Israelis go to the polls on Tuesday for the fifth time in less than four years. While some might suggest that the vibrancy of a democracy is manifested by the people’s engagement in national politics, a more honest observer would argue that it demonstrates the instability and volatility of the electoral system.
There is no question that the Israeli electoral system itself is broken. Small, minority parties continue to have outsized weight in determining the process of selecting a prime minister as well as prioritizing national policy. At the moment, however, it is democracy itself which is under challenge as the Israeli citizens go to the polls.
Facing a crisis somewhat similar to the one before the American electorate on November 8th, Israelis are being confronted by a number of party leaders who have in their campaign platforms explicit repudiations of fundamental democratic values. In addition, as was the case in the U.S. in 2020 and is likely in the forthcoming mid-term elections, some of the candidates and party leaders did—and have intimated as well—that they will challenge the votes of the electorate should they fail to win election.
Historically, given Israel’s multi-party system the formation of an eventual coalition government requires an ability and willingness on the leading party(ies) to be prepared to make significant compromises to achieve a majority in the 120-seat Knesset. Former Prime Minister and current opposition leader Binyamin Netanyahu has made it clear that he is prepared to bargain “away the farm” if it enables him to return to the helm of the nation. With respect to democratic values, Netanyahu has made it very clear that he would want the right wing Religious Zionism Party in his Government regardless of the extremist views expressed in their party platform. As pollsters expect this party to gain or exceed ten percent of the total Parliamentary seats, Religious Zionism will be a formidable bloc for the Likud Party to include in its coalition.
This presents a serious problem, which is being ignored by many Israelis and certainly by many American, religious Zionists. The Religious Zionism Party (which itself is a combination of three smaller parties) is the ideological successor in part to the KACH party of Rabbi Meir Kahane. Many of its positions are anti-democratic but for modern orthodox—non-Charedi Jews—it is the party of choice. Its leaders, Itamar Ben-Gvir and Bezalel Smotrich, as well as the party platform favors annexation of all of the West Bank as well as radical changes in the judiciary. The party seeks to expel all Arab citizens who are disloyal to Israel. Many of its views are racist, sexist, misogynistic, and anti-LGBTQ.
The fact is that Netanyahu is prepared to accept this party into a coalition and award them key cabinet ministries. This reflects how immoral Bibi’s desire is to regain control of the government that he and his Likud Party are prepared to include this extreme element of Israeli politics into a governing coalition, regardless of their views.
At the same time, it is appalling that American modern Orthodox rabbis and leaders have not spoken out in protest to the moral bankruptcy of this political behavior by their Israeli friends, family, and colleagues who are about to vote on Tuesday. Efforts to paper over the net effect that the views of the Religious Zionism Party will have on any Netanyahu-formed coalition do not explain American rabbis’ ethical timidity and appalling weakness to stand up for fundamental religious and democratic values.
This situation underscores the serious challenge that the Israeli electorate faces as it prepares to vote. It suggests that underlying many of Israel’s continuing security questions, there is a willingness to proceed with electing a potential new government which will include fundamentally undemocratic factions which may change the entire character of the State.
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Pre-election alerts
*Israeli polling is historically difficult and volatile. Suggestions as to whether the Netanyahu-led bloc will gain the necessary 61 seats are constructed on a very large set of variables which similarly are based on polls whose reliability are questionable. Curiously as well, the polls over the past four weeks have remained constant. This has challenged the pollsters to explain adequately.
* Predictability of voter turnout is subject to an unprecedented set of unknown factors, not the least of which is voter fatigue. Arab voter turnout also is expected to be much lower than in the last election. Among the Charedim, voting could also be unpredictable as there appear to be many leading rabbis who have not indicated to their followers how to vote. These ultra-orthodox voters could stay home, vote for Bibi, or vote for Religious Zionism rather the Charedi parties.
* If Netanyahu does not win, it would mean that Lapid’s Government would remain in power while the jockeying continues until a sixth election is called. This, too, is a significant reality which frustrates Netanyahu.
Triple Oy Vey!